In order to meet the demands of a booming economy, Beijing has had to specialize areas to fulfill different economic functions. In the interest of attracting and utilizing outside capital, planning for development zones was increasingly important in Beijing during this period (Gaubatz). These zones have served as new centers of economic activity as they are designed with the aim of specializing in certain commercial activities. The zones also share preferential economic and legal environments and potential for future infrastructure development. Three of these areas were built in 1990. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get the original essay The Shangdi Development Zone in the northwest is a new city-style manufacturing center outside the center, while the Fengtai Park Development Zone in the south. The west is a center of high-tech production and also serves as a railway warehouse among the development zones (Gaubatz). A concrete example would be the Zhongguancun Science Park in the Haidian Development Zone. The science park was conceived as a development zone for research and development in high-tech fields like computer technologies in the 1980s. Home to as many as thirty-eight higher education institutions in the district, the workforce highly qualified and relatively less expensive labor from these universities has given rise to computer stores and university research institutes (Gaubatz). The pace of development of Zhongguancun had not slowed down since its conception. In 1985, the Beijing government established Zhongguancun Electric Street, providing an economic incentive for retail businesses (Gaubatz). Therefore, in 1988, Zhongguancun was declared a special zone for high-tech industries, with tax exemptions and other treatments, such as import-export licenses for joint ventures between Chinese and foreigners (Gaubatz). While special development zones were a sign of a clear intention to attract foreign investment, Beijing's developments to meet the needs of an international population are perhaps the most obvious indicator of economic openness that he sought to embody. Interestingly, during this period, the foreign community is relatively small, with approximately 10,000 to 30,000 people, although the impact of Beijing's landscape is substantial (Gaubatz). This seems to underline the commitment to openness. The bifurcation of the city center is evident, providing an eastern half devoted to international activities ranging from embassies to accommodation and services for the foreign business community and a western half devoted more to domestic functions (Hu, 1993). Before 1979, there were no facilities for foreign businessmen, except for hotels built in the 1950s for Soviet advisers. The three main types of developments aimed at foreigners were office towers, commercial and residential complexes, and apartments and single-family homes, usually located in the east of Beijing (Gaubatz, 91). The World Trade Center in Dongzhimen, occupying tenants since 1989, is a striking example of a mixed-use center, with a shopping center, two office towers, two hotels, two apartment buildings and even a health club. Gradually, it should be noted that the Beijing division began to weaken, as developments occurred in the western part of Beijing. A biggerEconomic freedom has significantly changed the perception of Beijing as a consuming city rather than simply a producer. The three major pre-1949 commercial areas – Wangfujing, Qianmen and Xidan – were restored and revitalized as major commercial districts during this period (Gan). Of these, Wangfujing serves an international clientele, while Qianmen caters to both domestic tourists and locals. Xidan offers local residents trendy shopping opportunities, in addition to entertainment (Gaubatz). Likewise, there has been a change in the nature of the stores present around Beijing, with greater specialization of stores and a greater international profile. In the early phases of the reforms of the 1970s, free markets with simple stalls for the sale of products and durable goods by private entrepreneurs began to appear. However, these private entrepreneurs began to abandon the free market stalls in favor of large, specialized stalls built throughout the city. These private entrepreneurs include an interesting series of Sino-foreign joint ventures, indicative of the more open prospects that China boasted during this period. Some examples include the Friendship Store, east of the Second Ring Road, opened in 1973 and the Great Wall. Hotel northeast of the third ring road (Gaubatz). In particular, in the Friendship Store, Yaohan is a Japanese-style department store with a grocery store in the basement, demonstrating a willingness to engage with states and cultures that were previously viewed with suspicion. Foreign fast food chains, such as Pizza Hut, were allowed to set up along the street in late 1989, a sign of capitalism that would previously have been harshly treated in China. Beijing's rapid transformation in response to driving economic forces is remarkably indicative of the historical context in terms of changing vision and desire to pragmatically boost China's economy. Social dynamics The shift of development to cities has naturally brought more people to cities. like Beijing. In Beijing, between 1978 and 1990, the population grew by a staggering 24.6% (Beijing Municipal Bureau of Statistics). This strong population growth has led to a severe housing shortage, and little housing has been built since the 1960s (Kirkby) in an effort to discourage urban population growth in Beijing. Since 1979, Beijing has experienced a major housing construction boom, with more than fifteen million m2 of housing built between 1979 and 1982 (Duan). To meet the growing demand for housing, dilapidated neighborhoods are expected to be redeveloped. 75% of these neighborhoods, lacking basic infrastructure, are located in the four central districts (Cao). Replacing poor quality housing with low-rise projects has been the main approach taken. For example, in Xiaohoucang, dilapidated courtyard housing was the norm in 1949. However, in 1979, redevelopment saw the construction of 347 new apartments, each with its own kitchen and toilet, which was an improvement over to the absence of basic equipment (Gaubatz). In fact, the design included varied designs in terms of windows, balconies and overhangs of different sizes, and even small private gardens for the ground floor units (Gaubatz). In addition to meeting the needs of the population of a growing city, these changes in terms of variations and private spaces reflected the ideological shift encapsulated by the reforms, particularly in the Maoist context of Beijing, where.