Who came through history first? The 1964 election, which ended in a victory for Lyndon B. Johnson, had far more profound effects on the Republican Party than what we see on the surface. This was the first presidential election in which states considered Democratic strongholds, particularly in the South, were won by Republican challenger Barry Goldwater. One explanation for this conundrum was the growing presence of a new form of conservatism that was developing during this period. This new form of conservatism combined several schools of thought, ranging from libertarianism to social conservatism. Since it was Barry Goldwater who brought this new form of conservatism into the mainstream, both those on the left and the right have called Barry Goldwater the father of modern American conservatism. But is this correct? Was Barry Goldwater important enough in shaping modern American conservatism to be called the father of modern American conservatism? The answer is no, and not only that, but Goldwater cannot be the father of modern American conservatism because no such figure exists. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get the original essay To understand why modern American conservatism has no father, modern conservatism must be defined. By the 1960s, an ideological divide had widened within the Republican Party. On one side of this divide was the "Old Right", which, according to historian Anthony Gregory, was "an informal group of intellectuals, writers, publicists and politicians who openly opposed the New Deal and fiercely resisted U.S. entry into the World War.” II”. The Old Right also favored isolationism. On the other side was the “New Right,” which advocated interventionism and an unwavering commitment to confronting communism. In the 1964 election, the New Right largely supported Barry Goldwater, a supporter of "states' rights, lower taxes, voluntary Social Security, and a stronger military" (Dallek). It is for these reasons that the New Right supported Goldwater. Ultimately, the Democrats won the 1964 election. Despite this, Goldwater's conservatives received "27 million votes" (Dallek). The Goldwater campaign helped give rise to modern conservatism. According to researcher Cliff White, "from the ruins of the 1964 campaign emerged a well-organized and experienced movement, more determined than ever to win political power." And that’s what was won. In 1968, conservatives dominated the Republican Party. Although it may seem that modern American conservatism has its roots in the Goldwater campaign, this is not the case. Many thinkers before Goldwater held views found in modern conservatism. One of these thinkers was Edmund Burke, a Whig in the English Parliament. He wants to “limit the power of the king… and favors freedom of the press” (Maciag). He also “accepted the American Revolution,” but was against the French Revolution. (Maciag). He considered the French Revolution to be a “radical overhaul of society” and called the Jacobins “terrorists” (Maciag). He clung to “unalterable moral certainties” because of his belief in the preservation of tradition (Maciag). Despite all this, Burke held some views that were not fundamentally conservative. He wanted prison reform, with "human changes", the abolition of "imprisonment for debt" and "restrictions on capital punishment. (Maciag). Yet Burke enjoys high esteem among modern conservatives for three reasons. First, his rhetoric against rapid change found new ears during a period in American history in which “rapid political, social, and cultural transformations” (Maciag) were occurring. Second, much of his anti-Jacobin rhetoric was applied to the Stalinists by the New Right during the post-war Red Scare of the 1950s (Maciag). Third, no major group claims Burke as its own, with most intellectuals "content to let conservatives keep Burke for themselves" (Maciag). Another thinker that modern conservatives accept as their own is Alexis de Tocqueville. Influenced by the Enlightenment, he “believed deeply in freedom, freedom and individual autonomy” (Langenbacher). However, he did not believe that natural rights could be used to “justify revolution” (Lakoff). Furthermore, although he believed in rationalism, he “opposed rationalism in politics” (Lakoff). Like Burke, Tocqueville held many views that were not fundamentally modern conservative, leading him to "not fit neatly into conventional [political] categories" (Lakoff). For this reason, although Tocqueville shares the views of modern conservatives, he cannot be considered the father of modern American conservatism. A final figure who played an important role in the formation of modern conservatism is the founding father, James Madison. Many of James Madison's conservative views can be found in the Federalist Papers. For example, in Federalist Papers 10 and 51, Madison argues for a republic. Rather than believing that a republic would prevent the rich minority from oppressing the poor majority, Madison believed the opposite. He believed that a “plebeian majority” might be able to take away rights from “wealthy minorities” (Zuckerman). In Federalist Paper 46, Madison writes that the United States government stands out because it allows its citizens to own firearms. He writes that European governments “are afraid of putting weapons in the hands of the people” because this “constitutes a barrier against ambitious companies”. Both of these sentiments are arguably conservative. So why isn't James Madison the father of modern American conservatism? Because, like Burke and Tocqueville, Madison held views contrary to modern American conservatism. He wanted to "keep religion out of politics" (Zuckerman), unlike the beliefs of some modern conservatives, notably the "religious right", who "hate and deny the separation of Church and religion." 'State ". (Zuckerman). Although these thinkers shared many views with modern conservatives, they also had views that few modern conservatives share. It is nevertheless undeniable that these thinkers played a role in the formation of modern American conservatism, but it would be incorrect to call any of them the father of modern American conservatism. Although modern American conservatism has its roots before Goldwater's campaign, many of Goldwater's contemporaries played roles in the formation of modern conservatism. One of Goldwater's contemporaries was Russell Kirk. He published The Conservative Mind in 1953, which “shaped a nascent conservative intellectual movement then struggling for survival” (McDonald). Kirk has received praise from Newsweek and Time for his work, both calling him an intellectual representing the conservative movement. Kirk was a conservative in the sense that he believed.